Former Teachers Unretire to Fill Posts Left Empty By Diminished Labor Force

As economic dearth renders pregnancy unappealing, deaths continue to out pace births in Cuba.

The depleted population structure is unable to reproduce the workforce to fill the positions vacated by retirees.

Add to that the fact that some Havana residents tend to opt out of formal state employment (due to official material benefits being less attractive than the informal economic opportunities derived from inputs of tourist dollars in the capitol city). Willing professionals--namely police, teachers and construction workers--must be imported from the provinces.

In order to close the deficit in teachers--which may or may not be near 8,000--new legal provisions encourage retired teachers to return to the classroom by letting them earn a salary while still receiving their monthly pension.

"No Ike"

Produce markets remain bare after hurricanes;
price gouging by private sellers rampant.

First came Gustav.

Then came Ike.

Now Cuba is experiencing "No Ike".

As in "No Ike Comida"--a tragicomic play on the words "no hay", or "there is none", as in "there is no food".

In the wake of two hurricanes that flattened crops and ruined recent agricultural yields, produce markets are mostly empty.

International relief donations have been routed to the areas most severely struck by the violent weather systems, leaving Havana--which escaped direct contact from the storms--suffering shortages of food that is normally trucked in from the surrounding rural municipalities.

State run markets have set prices, but checks do not always exist to curb opportunism. Scarcity has lead to price gouging, as its a seller's market. Produce vendors are exploiting the law of supply and demand. The illegally steep food prices are found most often in the semi-private markets, which are reported to have relatively more goods in stock.

The attorney general has promised to be more vigilant and punitive against people who try to profit off of the situation of hardship.

Classical Sociology Told You So

or

Anomie Goes to Wall Street (and Beyond)

Reacting to impending economic doom, France's President, Nicolas Sarkozy--formerly an unabashed free trader--has begun to sound a lot like his erstwhile compatriot, Monsieur Durkheim.

First, at the UN on Tuesday, he told the world:

[English translations in comments section]

"On ne peut pas attendre pour préparer le monde de l’après-pétrole, pour lutter contre le réchauffement climatique, pour sauver les océans, pour en finir avec les dumpings monétaires, sociaux, écologiques. On ne peut pas attendre pour moraliser le capitalisme financier."

Then Thursday, in a major domestic economic address à la Bush, he affirmed:

"ce système a creusé les inégalités, il a démoralisé les classes moyennes"

and

"Le capitalisme c’est la propriété privée, la responsabilité individuelle, l’engagement personnel, c’est une éthique, une morale, des institutions."

and

"Si l’on veut reconstruire un système financier viable, la moralisation du capitalisme financier demeure la priorité."

and

"Voilà quelques principes simples qui relèvent du bon sens et de la morale élémentaire sur lesquels je ne céderai pas."

Clearly, Sarkozy views--or at least describes--the contemporary crisis in Durkheimian terms of a moral deficit; that the system has failed because no morality was governing it.

He went into a refrain stark in its declarative finality:

"L’autorégulation pour régler tous les problèmes, c’est fini. Le laissez-faire, c’est fini. Le marché qui a toujours raison, c’est fini."

But even though with these statements he seemed to condemn unequivocally the basic logic of the free market, Sarkozy still managed to let capitalism off the hook.

"La crise financière n’est pas la crise du capitalisme. C’est la crise d’un système qui s’estéloigné des valeurs les plus fondamentales du capitalisme, qui a trahi l’esprit du capitalisme."

In the end, Sarkozy blames the present state of ruinous affairs not on capitalism itself, but on the lack of morality imbued in the system. He says that this unregulated, amoral financial anarchy betrayed "the spirit of capitalism".

Which, fittingly, brings us to Max Weber.

Don't ever say classical sociology didn't tell you so.

Putting on a Clinic Clinic

Universalizing health care in Cuba has meant shifting the focus from major overcrowded hospitals to smaller decentralized polyclinics. Each neighborhood has a clinic in which residents can just drop in to have their health checked out. This medical system emphasizes preventative care.

Clinics are so readily accessible and close to home that people feel comfortable visiting the clinic regularly. Instead of waiting until an ailment causes a severe crisis, people can nip health problems in the bud by seeking medical attention early on. Even if the expansive network of clinics means more immediate resource allocation, preempting catastrophic conditions is much cheaper in the long run.

Each polyclinic serves an average population of twenty-two thousand people. Doctors become familiar with their neighbor-patients to whom they provide regular check-ups. If they detect more serious symptoms, they refer patients to specialists at larger regional hospitals.

People will stop in to polyclinics at a moments notice. Walking back home from a game of dominoes in the darkness of early night, a middle-aged Cuban man will suddenly come to a halt and tell his friend to wait a moment while he goes in to see if the doctor can check his blood pressure. If the doctor is available, great; if not, the man can revisit the clinic another time since it is only a few blocks from his house.

This method of frequent contact keeps both patient and doctor abreast of the citizen's condition.

The polyclinics endeavor to be ever to deal with drop-in patients. Even political bigwigs can pop in without any notice for a check-up--of the state of the system.

Building Revolution

Before the hurricanes, Cuba had a housing shortage of around half a million dwellings. The natural disasters destroyed or damaged over a third of a million homes. Thats a current shortfall nearing a million houses.

In a move to redouble sheltering efforts (where materials are available), the Ministry of Construction is offering to train anybody who wants to learn the building trade.

The all-hands-on-deck modus operandi will not only focus on erecting homes, but also on repairing hotels in time for the peak mid-winter tourism season, as well as on concretizing ALBA-related projects.

The ministry's motto is "Construction is Revolution".

16,000 Requests for Land Use in 3 Days

At the most recent meeting of the National Assembly in July, a law was put forth to allow Cubans the right to hold in usufruct and to work unused state lands. The strategic purpose was one of national food security, to expand and to rationalize agricultural production in order to wean the nation off of alimentary dependency. Cuba currently gets about 80% of its food from abroad, much from the United States, which plays the odd role of enemy-mercantilist.

The importance of greatly increasing production has grown exponentially after the recent spate of hurricanes crippled major portions of Cuba's agricultural sector. Completed harvests, pending yields, and crucial infrastructure were lost in the tempests.

After three days of the newly decentralized state agricultural authorities accepting applications for acreage, over 16,000 once and future farmers have requested land to grow crops and/or raise livestock.

The state is encouraging the new small scale farming operations to focus on crops with quick turnarounds, like squash, sweet potatoes, and greens, so as to feed more rapidly the populace hungry from post-storm shortages. As many a Cuban are presently wont to note "los agros están pela'o"--the markets are barren.

Ministry of Basic Industry

Each Cuban, An Army.

An oddly reminiscent phrase.

"Latin America is Irrelevant"

On the morning of 11 September 2008, Luis Ernesto Derbez gave a keynote address at a Latin American conference on UNM's campus. Dr. Derbez was the Secretary of Economy and Secretary of Foreign Relations under former Mexican President Vicente Fox. He is currently the president of the University of the Americas in Mexico.


What follows is an English-language paraphrasing of Dr. Derbez's speech. The words are mine, but the concepts, structure and examples are from his address. In only a few places have I editorialized, and those thoughts appear parenthetically and italicized. This essay tries to reflect the content of Dr. Derbez's speech; I take full blame for any unintentional misrepresentations.

LATIN AMERICA IS IRRELEVANT

Derbez began his speech with the declaration that Latin America is irrelevant. The continent is irrelevant on the world stage of geopolitics. That is, it does not have an influential voice in major world decisions.

For starters, Latin America is not represented on the UN Security Council, an agenda setting body with overwhelming veto power. Another among myriad examples of Latin America's irrelevance is that its participation in the failed Doha Round was largely marginal, with Brazil playing a small but inconsequential role.

Latin America is irrelevant because, in this emergent multi-polar world, it has not sufficiently integrated to constitute a major block that can articulate its shared interests in a forceful and coherent way. As they engage in diplomatic negotiation and statecraft, the prepotent regional poles of power do not have to seriously heed Latin America as an equal. The formidable positions of the US, the European Union, the Russia Federation, China and India demand careful consideration by all parties. Latin America, on the other hand, has not achieved such status due to its incomplete integration.

Derbez says that the obstacles to integration stem from three situations currently encountered in Latin America: disagreement and competition among divergent models of integration, the failures of Latin American businesses, and the still wanting democratic character of Latin American nations.

As Latin America confronts the need to integrate, its various players have initiated different models for regional integration. First there is the NAFTA model, which represents the traditional posture of turning towards the US. Because of an entangled history and geographic determinism, Mexico is torn between this US-centric model and one that looks south for alliances. The problem with the NAFTA model is that it would necessarily subordinate a Latin American block to the North American block in global interactions.

An alternative option for integration is MERCOSUR, which is the South American free trade organization spearheaded by Brazil. Although its locus of power is decidedly southern, it is similar to NAFTA in that it remains trade focused and relies on nation-states as the units of membership.

The third model of Latin American integration is represented by ALBA, the "Bolivarian" alternative to the Free Trade Area of the Americas, rolled out by Venezuela and Cuba, and now counting Nicaragua and Bolivia as members. ALBA differs from the traditional country constituted and trade focused alliances in that it involves people-to-people integration on energy, education and health issues. Overlooking national boundaries and integrating populations rather than markets, ALBA is a decidedly Marxist model, says Derbez.

The disagreement on which model to follow has, in part, prevented Latin America from more fully integrating, and thus from developing a unified voice that commandingly advocates for the region's common interests on the world stage. Curiously, Derbez notes, the three-way divergence that has stalled integration on the continental level is reminiscent of the fractious tripartite conflict found in Mexico's domestic politics, where the PRI, PAN and PRD regularly enter into intense gridlock.

Derbez proposes that if a consensus model of integration is not arrived at, then it may be up to the business sector to exert Latin America's influence on the world. The problem with the so-called multilatinas is that they are generally more dedicated to distribution than to innovation. Suitable examples are found in Mexico where some of the most successful companies distribute telecommunication goods and services or specialize in rational distribution of food products, but do not invent novel technology. Until Latin American industry begins to offer revolutionary products, it will remain on the margins of the world's balance sheets and attention spans. (Interestingly, where international business is involved, Derbez does not express the same discomfort about borderless integration that he did in reference to the ALBA case. Implicitly, Derbez seems to approve of capital ignoring political borders, but frowns on social movements doing so.)

A final characteristic of Latin America that impedes regional integration, common cause, and unity of purpose is the anti-democratic tendencies still found among the continent's political leadership. Derbez points out that the excesses of presidentialism still rear their ugly heads.

Supposedly, Latin American citizens have confidence in strong leaders that make firm decisions, regardless of whether they violate institutional norms. So we see Latin American presidents acting increasingly dictatorially, in defiance of constitutional limitations and other branches of government. Examples include Hugo Chavez reconstituting Venezuela's Supreme Court and proposing an end to term limits, and Alvaro Uribe gaining extra terms by meddling with the legislative and judicial branches. Derbez takes pains to note that this anti-democratic nature finds expression in both right wing and leftist administrations. (However, Derbez fails to explain why such an anti-democratic trend occurs especially in Latin America. This makes his contention rest rather shakily on a premise of discredited essentialism.)

This anti-democratic prong of Derbez's thesis seems to assert that as long as domestic institutions remain weak, designs for integrationist institutions will not gain traction.

Despite the impassioned rhetoric and strategic vision exhibited by Latin American leaders, the region has yet to integrate effectively. Disagreements over the route to follow—on whether to take the form of a common market or to adopt a more humanist community model, on whether to adopt a US-centric perspective or a more southerly orientation—have delayed the realization of Nuestra America. Also, the failure of Latin American businesses to develop a reputation for innovation has prevented that sector from serving as an influential de facto representative of the area's mutual interests. Finally, the disregard for democratic institutions at the national level has not only further entrenched political stereotypes about the region, but also slowed progress towards the formation of hemispheric institutions. According to Derbez, the totality of these dilemmas has obstructed the path to integration.

However long Latin America continues to be fragmented, it will not be able to formulate coherent claims on the world stage; it will not command the deference given to other major power blocks in the prosecution of international affairs. In a word, Latin America will remain irrelevant.

Produce Markets Empty

When hurricanes Gustav and Ike tore through the Cuban countryside last week, they destroyed much of the agricultural harvest.

As a result the "agros"--outdoor vegetable markets--have very little produce in stock, and the prices have increased for what is available. Supply and demand seem to be having an effect on cost.

The state is even selling food donated by Russia at the new higher prices.

Many homes are still without electricity, and are predicted to remain so for up to three months, while the government gets its hands on blockaded materials to repair the "mangled grid".

Thousands of people have lost their homes and are living in schools and other secure state buildings.

24% of Cuba's population evacuated

{{{UPDATE 09/09/08--As Hurricane Ike made a second crossing, battering Cuba, the toll of evacuees rose to over 2.6 million people. That is nearly a quarter of the population that mobilized to secure locations.

It appears to have spared Havana major damage.

Nevertheless the devastation to housing, agriculture and infrastructure is vast.

Today the entire Cuban nation sympathizes with Tina Turner.}}}



In the face of Hurricane Ike, about 1.3 million Cubans and 10 thousand tourists have been evacuated to secure locations on the island. At this point, only 4 people have died.

Last week, Hurricane Gustav ravaged two provinces. During Gustav there were no deaths, despite millions of dollars in damage caused by the 100+ mph winds of the Category 4 cyclone.

There is something to be said about the social use of limited resources, a highly organized society, public control of airwaves, and the prioritization of saving human lives over every other goal.

Presently, Ike appears to be doing its damnedest to impact all fifteen provinces.

Much of the southern coast is flooded.

Ike is headed for Havana.

How to Achieve Zero Deaths in a Hurricane?

It is not a miracle that Cuba avoids that its citizens perish in the hurricanes that regularly pound the island. The entire nation is well organized with systematic routines for withstanding forces of nature.

First, there is the informative phase in which state media and neighborhood committees warn people of the approaching danger.

Second comes the cyclone alert stage in which civil defense teams and neighborhood committees organize specified evacuations of vulnerable populations, locals and tourists alike, to secure locations. These evacuations are obligatory.

Hurricanes destroy Cuba's infrastructure and economy. But take none of its citizens.

Retail Gas Price Raised in Response to World Price

While oil prices skyrocketed on the global market in recent years, state-run gasoline stations have not raised the retail price of gasoline since 2005. The state taking the loss represented a 36% subsidy of petroleum.

Today, the retail price has been raised.

It is probably not a coincidence that this move, which naturally must be highly unpopular, was rolled out as the populace is distracted by a category 4 hurricane attacking the entire length of the island.

Castro Mummified!

For those interested in US-Latin American relations, it is useful to study the rigorously-conceived party platforms of the Democrats and Republicans.

In their final platform, the Republicans have committed 374 words to Latin American affairs. The Democrats 241 words.

Since the Latin American policy sections of these platforms are so lengthy and complicated, I have provided brief summaries below.

Elefantes:

* God and buying stuff connects people.
* The war on drugs = the war on terror
* Fidel Castro is a mummy.
* Expanding freedom is based on free market principles (and occasional bank bailouts).
* The US appreciates Canada for its valuable trade (and being willing to take our friendly fire in Afghanistan).
* Mexico and Colombia are so awesome they are worth mentioning.
* The free trade agreement with Colombia is being obstructed only by Democrats and people that want to keep their jobs.
* Colombia deserves to buy our stuff since they have been so brave (in killing their union members and journalists).
* Hugo Chavez is a clown.
* We do Cuban people a favor by staying out of their island and giving them free teevee.
* Evo Morales is a neural net processing cyborg.
* Cuban immigrants are like aborted fetuses: they should be safe, legal, and rare.
* We want to continue our strictly long distance relationship with Latin Americans.


Burros:

* The 2008 Democrats proudly will use JFK's 47-year old strategy for dealing with Latin America.
* Diplomacy should be like gay marriage.
* The Americas should have more self-esteem than to be Anti-American.
* Mexico and Colombia are awesome. And so is Brazil!
* Cuba should be free and sovereign and follow our orders.
* If Cuba does as we say, we will formulate moves toward becoming prepared to consider taking steps to initiate talks on beginning preliminary relations with Cuba.
* Haiti is like so permanently screwed.

Here are the unabridged Latin America sections from the platforms, just so you can see that Im not making any of this up.


Strengthening Ties in the Americas
Faith and family, culture and commerce, are
enduring bonds among all the peoples of the
Americas. Republicans envision a western hemisphere
of sovereign nations with secure borders,
working together to advance liberty and mutually-beneficial
trade based on sound and proven free
enterprise principles. Our relations with our immediate
neighbors, Canada and Mexico, are grounded
on our shared values and common purpose, as well
as our steadily increasing trade. We pledge to continue
this close association and to advance mutually
beneficial trade agreements throughout Latin
America, promoting economic development and
social stability there while opening markets to our
goods and services. Our strong ties with Canada and
Mexico should not lead to a North American union
or a unified currency.
Two factors distort this hemispheric progress.
One is narco-terrorism, with its ability to destabilize
societies and corrupt the political process. In an
era of porous borders, the war on drugs and the
war on terror have become a single enterprise.
We salute our allies in the fight against this evil, especially
the people of Mexico and Colombia, who have
set an example for their neighbors. We support
approval of the free trade agreement with Colombia,
currently blocked by Capitol Hill Democrats and
their union boss supporters, as an overdue gesture of
solidarity for this courageous ally of the United
States.
The other malignant element in hemispheric
affairs is the anachronistic regime in Havana, a
mummified relic from the age of totalitarianism,
and its buffoonish imitators. We call on the nations
of Latin America and the Caribbean to join us in
laying the groundwork for a democratic Cuba.
Looking to the inevitable day of liberation, we
support restrictions on trade with, and travel to,
Cuba as a measure of solidarity with the political
prisoners and all the oppressed Cuban people.
We call for a dedicated platform for transmission
of Radio and Television Marti into Cuba and, to prepare
for the day when Cuba is free, we support the
work of the Commission for Assistance to a Free
Cuba. We affirm the principles of the Cuban
Adjustment Act of 1966, recognizing the rights of
Cubans fleeing Communist tyranny, and support
efforts to admit more of them through a safe, legal,
orderly process.

Recommit to an Alliance of the Americas
We recognize that the security and prosperity of the United States is fundamentally tied to the
future of the Americas. We believe that in the 21 st century, the U.S. must treat Latin America
and the Caribbean as full partners, just as our neighbors to the south should reject the bombast
of authoritarian bullies. Our relationship with Canada, our long-time ally, should be strengthened
and enhanced. An alliance of the Americas will only succeed if it is founded on the bedrock of
mutual respect and works to advance democracy, opportunity, and security from the bottom-
up. We must turn the page on the arrogance in Washington and the anti-Americanism across the
region that stands in the way of progress. We must work with close partners like Mexico,
Brazil, and Colombia on issues like ending the drug trade, fighting poverty and inequality, and
immigration. We must work with the Caribbean community to help restore stability and the rule
of law to Haiti, to improve the lives of its people, and to strengthen its democracy. And we must
build ties to the people of Cuba and help advance their liberty by allowing unlimited family visits
and remittances to the island, while presenting the Cuban regime with a clear choice: if it takes
significant steps toward democracy, beginning with the unconditional release of all political
prisoners, we will be prepared to take steps to begin normalizing relations.